The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as one of the most influential incumbents of that office in the nation's history. Although many VPs were limited to minor or ceremonial roles, Cheney held enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented that description and stated the dynamic was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their partnership as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of these objections, Cheney considered the relaxed president malleable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the shooting down of any unresponsive planes approaching the Capitol building.
Cheney said the attacks changed him, making him become focused on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Policies
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the harsh treatment of suspects captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on faulty intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced back then and I maintain that stance now."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he later wrote "obvious failure, inaction, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had drafted a document outlining circumstances in which US concerns might be threatened (featuring "availability of crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be positioned to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," specifically mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the presidency vaguely intent on executing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his parent's visage that all visitors had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, frequently citing intelligence reports that were either weak or entirely deceptive. He supported what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the use of waterboarding and torture.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "loaded with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and establish initiatives to apprehend the perpetrators who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames imposed on him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the shadows that operates invisibly leave his domain? This represents a nice way to function, in fact."
Business Interests
Controversy over his business interests accompanied him through his period as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in business but established relationships in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US deals totaling billions.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his period at the corporation increased from his $258,394 during his time as defence secretary to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package worth more than $20m|twenty
